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Maharashtra moves HC against central food safety regulations; says these usurp state govt’s powers

The petition, filed through the state commissioner of food safety, said the aim of the Food Safety and Standards Act, 2006 was to decentralise food regulation. Earlier, enforcement of the Act was through the state commissioner of food safety and designated officers, it pointed out.

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GOP Congressman in California Swing-District Race Defends Vote for Medicaid Cuts

BAKERSFIELD, Calif. — Ulises Hernandez has had health coverage through Medicaid for as long as he can remember. But he had never waited as long for care as he did in September after a dental crown slipped down his throat during a procedure. He spent eight hours in an emergency room waiting for care and more than two days without food.

Sitting in his wheelchair to protest looming federal Medicaid cuts outside Republican U.S. Rep. David Valadao’s Bakersfield office, Hernandez described his wait as a foreshadowing of what’s ahead.

“I couldn’t eat, I couldn’t drink, I couldn’t do anything, and I was in pain,” said Hernandez, who had been discharged from the hospital a few days before. “I’m livid.”

Hernandez, 41, said Valadao “should be ashamed of himself” for voting for the Republicans’ One Big Beautiful Bill Act. The law is expected to reduce Medicaid spending by more than $900 billion through 2034, with provisions such as stricter Medicaid eligibility rules and reducing federal money to states.

Hernandez plans to vote for challenger Randy Villegas in hopes that this Central Valley toss-up district, where roughly 6 in 10 of constituents are enrolled in Medicaid, can help give Democrats control of Congress.

Villegas, a political science professor, has embraced the progressive rallying cry for “Medicare for All” and called out Valadao for a vote “that is going to rip away healthcare from Valley families,” since many working-age adults may not satisfy new work requirements and twice-a-year eligibility checks that, by political design, start after the midterm elections.

Valadao defends his vote on the GOP bill. During a televised Oct. 6 debate, he said “there are no actual cuts” to Medicaid.

An estimated 60,000 more residents of his district could be without coverage by 2034 due to the tax and spending bill and the expiration of enhanced premium tax credits for Affordable Care Act insurance plans, according to the left-leaning Center for American Progress think tank.

Researchers estimate that those new rules will push more than 2 million Californians statewide off their coverage and that the state stands to lose about $30 billion a year, more than any other state.

A group of about 10 people stand on a sidewalk. Some hold signs that say, "Don't Take Away My Care. #StandwithPP"
A small group of protesters chanted that healthcare costs are too high, blaming Republican elected officials including U.S. Rep. David Valadao. (Jackie Fortiér/KFF Health News)
A portrait of a man with a physical disability sitting in a wheelchair with a serious expression.
Bakersfield resident Ulises Hernandez fears Medicaid cuts will lead to even longer wait times for care. (Jackie Fortiér/KFF Health News)

Fertile Ground, High Unemployment

Bakersfield is an oil town, and it wears that identity proudly. Pump jacks nod in the distance. Streets run wide. The Kern River’s bed lies dry, its water siphoned to feed the agricultural fields. Sitting partially in the southernmost portion of the contested congressional district, this city produces much from the land, but unemployment is high.

Democrats have outnumbered Republicans in voter registrations by double-digit percentage points in Valadao’s district since he was first elected to the U.S. House in 2012, yet he has won six of his seven congressional elections. He has survived by focusing on local issues such as water infrastructure and distancing himself from the Trump administration, said Jeffrey Cummins, a political science professor at California State University-Fresno. Valadao is the last Republican House incumbent who voted to impeach Trump after the Jan. 6, 2021, riot at the U.S. Capitol who is running for reelection to Congress.

“This is an area where, even when we see the registration advantage for Democrats, that they are moderate Democrats who tend to be concerned with agricultural issues, and Valadao in the past has successfully appeased those voters,” Cummins said.

But California’s congressional map was redrawn last year as part of a national mid-decade redistricting fight, and Valadao’s Central Valley seat is considered more favorable for Democrats than before. Cummins said a different mix of voters, coupled with anger toward incumbents, could flip the seat.

“Valadao knows that he’s on notice,” Cummins said.

Nationwide, healthcare costs remain a top affordability concern for voters, and they trust Democrats over Republicans by a 2-to-1 margin on the issue, according to a September KFF poll. Valadao lost in 2018, when Democrats targeted his votes to repeal the ACA, as well as his alliance with Trump. On Nov. 3, he faces Villegas, a populist backed by Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) who favors a single-payer universal healthcare system.

“The system that we have now, we pay twice as much as other countries across the world, despite the fact that we have worse healthcare outcomes,” Villegas said during the debate.

U.S. Rep. David Valadao (right) introduces Speaker of the House Mike Johnson on Sept. 30. (Jackie Fortiér/KFF Health News)

No Mention of Healthcare

Valadao participated in a $1,000-a-ticket fundraiser on Sept. 30. He was joined by House Speaker Mike Johnson, who is campaigning across 22 states in six weeks as Republicans try to hold the chamber. Afterward, press were allowed at an invitation-only reelection event in Bakersfield, held in an office building just outside of the new district Valadao hopes to represent. Arches of red, white, and blue star-shaped balloons framed the small stage.

Neither lawmaker mentioned Medicaid or the rising cost of healthcare when they spoke to the audience. After brief speeches, Valadao repeatedly refused to answer KFF Health News’ questions about his vote for the One Big Beautiful Bill Act and its impact on his constituents’ Medicaid coverage, saying, “I think you are distorting the truth.”

Of the half dozen attendees KFF Health News approached among roughly 50 in the room, none lived in Valadao’s district.

Allison Brandt Oliver and her mother, Charlotte Brandt, hope Valadao wins his November congressional election. (Jackie Fortiér/KFF Health News)

They came anyway. Retired nurse Charlotte Brandt lives in the neighboring Republican-held district but follows Valadao’s votes closely. She called him “a hero for the Central Valley,” citing his work on water, oil, and agriculture, which she said sustain Kern County as the “breadbasket of the world.”

Her daughter, Allison Brandt Oliver, who also lives in Republican Vince Fong’s district, said she favored the stricter Medicaid eligibility rules Republicans put into place, saying her concern is whether spending is going to U.S. citizens who contribute to the economy.

A few days later during the televised debate, Valadao said he was among the negotiators who secured community engagement provisions in the law, which will require certain adults to prove they’re working or completing other activities such as job training or volunteering.

“It’s not an actual cut,” Valadao said. “We need people to actually put in and make a fair effort to try to cover their expenses and be a part of their community. This is not an unreasonable ask.”

About 50 people attended an invite-only campaign event with Valadao and Johnson on Sept. 30 in Bakersfield. (Jackie Fortiér/KFF Health News)

Millions in Ads, One Swing Seat

In a sign of how vital this district is, Republicans and Democrats had each booked more than $16 million in ads here through Election Day, according to data compiled by AdImpact.

“When you start getting over $10 million of spending total in the district, I would say that that’s pretty high,” Cummins said.

Some of the ads are reaching voters in unexpected ways.

Outside a local library, Seslie Maese, a stay-at-home mom from Bakersfield, said her 7-year-old, who often watches Lego videos on YouTube, runs to her whenever a certain ad plays. “David Valadago is going on vacation again, Mom,” he announces, mispronouncing the congressman’s name. Her son doesn’t realize the ad, paid for by a Democratic political action committee, means that as a criticism.

Maese is undecided. Even though she’s a registered Republican, she said what she has heard about Valadao doesn’t sound positive, such as that he went back on his pledge not to cut Medicaid for vulnerable populations by voting for the federal tax-and-spending law.

For Maese, a politician who says one thing and does another is a deal-breaker.

“He just hasn’t come through with anything he said,” she said, “especially since he cut off a lot of Medicaid.”

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

This article first appeared on KFF Health News and is republished here under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.



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Shopping for an ACA Plan This Year? Here’s What You Need To Know

Consumers who buy Affordable Care Act health insurance are going to see changes both big and small as open enrollment for 2027 coverage kicks off. These include premium increases, possible additional identity checks, potential delays in working with a broker, and new limits on which immigrants can get subsidies.

Shoppers need to plan accordingly.

Open enrollment starts Nov. 1 in most states. Idaho, Connecticut, and Massachusetts start earlier, and some states are already allowing “window shopping” to check premium rates.

A continued decline in overall enrollment is expected, mainly because of the expiration of enhanced subsidies at the end of 2025. Policy experts say the end of those subsidies led millions to drop or lose coverage through the first few months of this year.

But the Trump administration sees victory in the falling enrollment, crediting its various efforts to reduce fraud, including the August cancellation of policies covering 760,000 enrollees suspected to be improperly signed up. A small number of those enrollees have regained coverage.

Have Your ID Ready

One of the biggest changes will be increased scrutiny of both consumers and agents via requirements aimed at thwarting fraud or improper enrollments. For consumers, it could slow the enrollment process.

The new rules, outlined in a Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services FAQ, affect only consumers using agents or brokers to help them enroll through the federal marketplace, which serves 29 states. They do not apply to state-based exchanges, which have their own rules and have in most cases been more successful at preventing fraudulent sign-ups.

For starters, all consumers using an agent in the federal marketplace will need to get a one-time confirmation code or link to authorize a specific agent to enroll them or make changes on their behalf. It will be sent to consumers by text message, email, or an automated phone call from one of the private enrollment platforms used by their agent. Returning consumers who have incorrect or outdated contact information will first need to call the federal marketplace themselves or submit an application online to update it.

Additionally, consumers and policyholders deemed “high-risk” must verify their own identity before authorizing an agent. CMS defines as “high-risk” first-time applicants or those with existing coverage whose applications involve a change of state, as well as consumers working with a new or different agent or with a monthly premium payment of $30 or less.

Joshua Brooker, who oversees an insurance agency in Pennsylvania, said CMS appears to have selected people in those groups for greater scrutiny because “someone who is moving to a new state or switching brokers — that could be a broker trying to impersonate a consumer.”

The $30-a-month cutoff may be tied to concerns that plans with no or low monthly premiums are easier for bad agents to target for unauthorized enrollments because the policyholder may never get a bill. Some rogue agents even pay the low monthly amount themselves and still make a profit from the commission, Brooker said.

The broad nature of the new rules, though, has Brooker concerned “that up to 1 in 5 consumers is going to have to do extra identity proofing” and may just give up and not get insured.

Consumers designated high-risk must prove their identity through a CMS-approved third party such as credit company Experian, which generally asks questions only the consumer should be able to answer. People who fail this test may be asked to call Experian’s help desk or submit their applications themselves by creating a healthcare.gov account, which requires them to upload identification such as a driver’s license, a passport, immigration papers, or another form of ID.

“Some people may have trouble not because they’re not real, but because they don’t have a credit file, or have moved, or have changed names,” said Stacey Pogue, a senior research fellow at the Center on Health Insurance Reforms at Georgetown University.

She said the changes might “be an appropriate response by CMS that targets fraudulent enrollments but might also create extra hurdles.”

There May Be Fewer Brokers

CMS in September issued a rule that places a moratorium on brokers new to offering ACA coverage. Agents not registered with the federal marketplace in 2026 will not be allowed to assist with enrollments for 2027 until February at the earliest, past the end of open enrollment season.

CMS said it took this step because a disproportionate number of “significant compliance concerns” in 2026 came from newly registered agents or brokers. Additionally, the agency has kicked out “hundreds of non-compliant agents and brokers” this year.

Jason Fine, who runs a brokerage in Florida, said he agrees with the concept behind these changes. He has reported multiple times to CMS, for instance, that rogue agents have switched his clients’ coverage without authorization, wanting the agency to take action against them. But he said the updated rules also raise concerns.

“Everything they are doing in the long term makes sense,” he said. However, in the short term, “I don’t know if they care about the chaos it will cause.”

That’s because the moratorium will make it much harder for small brokers to help clients this year. His agency and others often pare their staffing after open enrollment but hire again toward the end of the year. He was planning to add up to 10 agents to his core staff of about five but has been told by recruiters that he’s unlikely to be able to find anyone who was registered for 2026 and is still available.

He suggested that the move unintentionally benefits larger call centers, some of which were doing much of the marketing that regulators feared led to unauthorized switching. Call centers often maintain larger staffs.

“They can afford to keep a staff of 25 or 40 people all year long,” Fine said.

Groups representing agents are very unhappy with the directive. One, the National Association of Benefits and Insurance Professionals, filed a lawsuit Oct. 15 against the Trump administration over the moratorium, saying it unfairly targets 19,000 agents who may want to sell ACA plans for next year.

“Just because you’re a new agent doesn’t mean you are fraudulent,” said Ronnell Nolan, president of Health Agents for America, another sales agent group, which on Oct. 21 filed suit seeking a temporary restraining order on the moratorium. “All these agencies who have trained new agents and paid thousands of dollars now have people who won’t be able to work.”

It all leads to an important piece of advice from Georgetown’s Pogue: Consumers should not delay making appointments. “If you rely on an agent or broker, and a lot of people do, their slots might fill up faster because there will be fewer of them to help with enrollment. I would reach out early.”

Costs Will Continue To Be an Issue

This year, after Congress did not renew the expiring enhanced subsidies, most people getting ACA coverage saw what they had to pay increase. Higher earners lost subsidies entirely. Add in double-digit premium increases, and most people had to pay substantially more for their coverage.

But most people who buy ACA coverage for next year will still receive a subsidy. It will just be less generous than it was before the enhancements expired at the end of 2025.

The subsidies are pegged to the premium costs of benchmark plans, the name given to the second-lowest-price silver-tier plan in an area.

This helps offset premium increases.

“For most folks, overall affordability will stay about the same,” said Louise Norris, a health policy analyst for HealthInsurance.org. “That’s not to say it’s great, but if you were able to manage the premiums this year, it should be similar to that.”

But there are other factors at work, too.

Last year’s average premium increase of 26% was the largest in years. It was driven in part by insurers’ fear that the expiration of subsidies would cause healthier people to drop out of the marketplace. Other drivers often cited for such increases include a rise in overall medical care costs, inflation, and labor shortages.

For the upcoming year, those dynamics remain a concern, with premiums slated for double-digit increases, although, at 15%, slightly lower than last year.

Subsidies are income-based and cut off for households earning more than four times the federal poverty rate. During this open enrollment season, that amount is $63,840 for a single person, $86,560 for a couple, and $109,280 for a family of three, for example.

“The biggest issue we will face is affordability,” said Anne Petry, who, with her father, owns Jaggi Petry Insurance & Investments in Forsyth, Illinois, and helps customers purchase health insurance, including ACA plans. “There definitely will come a breaking point for people.”

Agents and other experts say consumers should not allow their plans to automatically renew and should instead go online to compare premiums and coverage, which can change each year even for the same plan. There may be less expensive alternatives, including plans from new insurers, so they suggest looking at not just premiums, but also deductibles and other costs. At the same time, several insurers, including Cigna, have dropped all or part of their ACA coverage areas.

“If you just sit on the sidelines and let the policy auto-renew, you might miss out on what could be a better opportunity,” Norris said. She said it is important to check options because the cap on out-of-pocket maximums for ACA plans is also increasing.

That amount, which represents the most a consumer must pay toward deductibles, copayments, and coinsurance before the policy is expected to cover remaining in-network medical costs, was $10,600 for an individual and $21,200 for a family plan this year. In 2027, it will grow by 13% to $12,000 for an individual and $24,000 for family coverage. Lower caps on out-of-pocket maximums are set for households earning up to 2.5 times the federal poverty level.

The One Big Beautiful Bill Act, which Congress passed last year, also strips subsidy eligibility from many lawfully present immigrants, including people holding temporary H-1B work visas, refugees, asylees, people with temporary protected status, and those with pending green-card applications.

Three immigrant groups can still get ACA subsidies: green-card holders, who have permanent legal status; certain Cuban and Haitian immigrants; and citizens of Micronesia, the Marshall Islands, or Palau.

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

This article first appeared on KFF Health News and is republished here under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.



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Microsoft develops AI tool that can diagnose 'sequentially' like a doctor

The model identifies and coordinates the questions that should be asked of a patient, as well as the exams and tests that should be ordered, using an "orchestrator" that organizes how AI will tackle a problem by employing a simulated panel of clinical experts collaborating to solve diagnostic cases, according to the report.

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Centre flags data gap, regulatory hurdles in curbing hospital mark-ups

The Union govt has told the SC in its affidavit that margins on hospital consumables can range from 100% to 1,000% or more, highlighting concerns over the high mark-ups patients often face on supplies used during treatment. However, a senior official told TOI that the govt does not have the data needed to assess margins across hospital supplies and determine whether wider controls are warranted.

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‘Go to Canada’: Trump Touted Americans’ Access to Cheaper Drugs. A New Rule Threatens It.

Days before it was to go into effect, the Trump administration pushed back a U.S. customs rule threatening the supply of vital prescription drugs imported by millions of Americans.

Under the rule, Customs and Border Protection and the FDA will require coding on packages that makes it easier to know what’s in them. It is aimed at collecting tariffs on even low-value imports, and at catching illegal drugs like fentanyl. It will also add costs and complex paperwork to each order.

Now the regulation, which was set to start Oct. 22, is delayed until Jan. 20.

While it is illegal to import most FDA-approved prescription drugs, the U.S. has allowed Americans to import legal medications in small quantities for personal use since 2003. The FDA rarely inspects the parcels.

“The information we have is there’s going to be a complete shutdown on Oct. 22,” Tim Smith, general manager of the Canadian International Pharmacy Association, said in an interview in early October. The 51 licensed retail pharmacies in his organization urged their hundreds of thousands of U.S. customers to file extra orders before Oct. 9 to be sure as many medications as possible arrived before the clampdown, Smith said.

“These are people in every case who have gone to the doctor, gotten a prescription for whatever, gone to the pharmacy to fill the order, seen how expensive it’s going to be, and then looked for an alternative,” he said. “Those are the people who’ve been coming to us for years.”

As Donald Trump campaigned in 2016, allowing people to import drugs was part of his platform. In his first term, President Trump let states buy cheaper drugs from Canada. He told Floridians at 2020 rallies that their state could “go to Canada” to obtain drugs for them.

But while Florida and Colorado joined the importation program, neither state has brought in any drugs yet.

Patients have, however, and they flooded authorities with at least 109,000 letters urging the FDA to clarify that the rule won’t stop personal-use drug shipments, said Ken Hunter, executive director of the Campaign for Personal Prescription Importation. And Trump ally Laura Loomer called the rule a case of stupidity or sabotage, under a headline that asked, “So Why Is Someone in His Administration Trying To Make Prescription Drugs More Expensive Before The Midterms?”

Seventy-one congressional Democrats signed an Oct. 1 petition led by Reps. Jan Schakowsky of Illinois and Mark Pocan of Wisconsin to warn about the potential impact of the rule. Three House Republicans from Florida wrote separately to CBP and the FDA, noting that Floridians, unlike Americans in Northern states, can’t easily drive to Canada to buy medicine.

By cutting off imports, Hunter said, “they are going to lose millions, maybe billions in tariff revenue.”

“Why would you want to cut off this massive revenue source?” he asked. “Why would they want to cut people off from lifesaving medications two weeks before midterms?”

Pressure by advocacy groups may have led the agency to back off, said Lucia Mueller, president of PharmacyChecker, which helps patients find legitimate pharmacies to obtain cheaper drugs.

“Loomer’s political argument is sound,” she told KFF Health News. “We know she’s had Trump’s ear before.”

The agency’s Oct. 14 news release on the delay said it would help “avoid disruptions to certain international postal shipments.” It didn’t specifically refer to drug imports.

“This is an important short-term success,” said Gabriel Levitt, founder of Prescription Justice, a nonprofit that advocates for more-affordable drugs. “However, the underlying threat to personal prescription drug importation remains, and the next 90 days will be critical.”

A 2020 study found that 2.3 million Americans regularly imported medications from abroad, and some surveys show much higher numbers. About 4 in 10 Americans in a recent KFF survey said cost had led them to not take medications as prescribed over the past year.

When he was diagnosed with atrial fibrillation years ago, Leslie Waters learned that a 90-day supply of the blood thinner Eliquis, or apixaban, would cost $486. “Holy crap!” said the retired computer scientist, who said he lives off a monthly $1,886 Social Security check. Waters, of San Jose, California, learned about the Canada option on the internet and has been buying 90-day supplies from a pharmacy there for $57, including shipping.

Under previous administrations, orders worth $800 or less weren’t taxed or saddled with extensive paperwork. The new rule will require shippers of even low-value international parcels to transmit detailed information about their contents to CBP, along with tariff payments, which must be transmitted through a licensed customer broker.

Zonos, a U.S.-based company that handles logistics for mail from Canada and other countries, told clients in early September that its understanding was that CBP would no longer allow in personal prescription drug packages after the rule took effect, said Smith, of the Canadian pharmacy trade group. In an Oct. 6 webinar, Zonos senior broker Angela Macke said that the company would continue to ship the drugs but that it didn’t know whether the agencies would let them reach patients.

The pharmacy announcements have frightened thousands of customers, said Bill Hepscher, whose company, Canadian Medstore, has six Florida storefronts that help patients import drugs.

“It’s really been hair on fire,” he said. “I could spend my entire day fielding phone calls from people saying: ‘Can I no longer get my Eliquis? I could have a blood clot or stroke!’”

Hepscher said about half his clients buy their drugs from Canada, with many of the others buying from Australia, New Zealand, the U.K., or Turkey. He said 2025 was his company’s busiest year ever — changes to Medicare drug plans and increased enrollment in high-deductible Affordable Care Act plans had led seniors and younger people facing higher costs and copays to seek Canadian drugs.

“I only have 23 days’ worth of pills,” Roland Hofferber told KFF Health News in early October. The retired supply chain engineer in Muscatine, Iowa, takes Jardiance, also known as empagliflozin, to slow his chronic kidney disease. “If I don’t get some through pretty soon, I’m going to have to cut back or quit.”

The drug would cost him $641 for three months in the U.S., he said. He buys a generic from an Indian pharmacy for $54.

The FDA “hasn’t given parameters as to what they will approve and what they won’t,” Zonos’ Macke said during the webinar. “We’ve been told there will not be a general ban. But we cannot reassure U.S. patients. We have to see how FDA applies. They could be lenient. They could be very strict.”

When asked whether patients could still import prescription medicines, CBP spokesperson Jessica Turner said that pharmaceuticals remained under the FDA’s jurisdiction and that the FDA “will continue to determine whether imported medication shipments are admissible.” Department of Health and Human Services spokesperson Emily Hilliard said the FDA would “continue to evaluate personal imports on a case-by-case basis.”

White House spokesperson Allison Schuster did not respond to questions about imports but said Trump “remains dedicated to lowering the cost of prescription drugs.”

Since summer 2025, patients have had to pay tariffs on brand-name medicine shipments. In 2022, the FDA said it typically checked about 1 in 2,000 medication packages passing through U.S. customs.

“A lot of products weren’t even looked at, because CBP and FDA didn’t have full visibility” into what entered the country, Prescription Justice’s Levitt said. The rule requires shippers to post a bond and fill in a complex data form for each package, he noted.

“Let’s say you’re importing 90 days’ worth of Eliquis,” Levitt said. “FDA can now look on a screen and see that. Do they let it in, or refuse it under law?”

“If they don’t, there’s going to be a cohort of people who cannot afford their drugs anymore,” he said. “And those people are going to suffer.”

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

This article first appeared on KFF Health News and is republished here under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.



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Stricter diagnostic lab rules for CGHS fuel double standards charge

Under the Clinical Establishment Rules, laboratories are divided into three categories - basic composite, medium and advanced. The standards prescribe the scope of services, infrastructure, equipment, human resources, record maintenance and other operational requirements for each category.

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Researchers find a possible trigger of some preterm births

In the study published in Nature Immunology, researchers found the antibodies were present in higher levels and appeared earlier in pregnancy in women who went on to give birth before 37 weeks' gestation compared to those who delivered their babies at term.

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New Arrivals in the ER? Georgia Gears Up To Solve Rural Maternal Health Crisis

LAVONIA, Ga. — It had been a decade since Kara Holden last had a baby. But as the former obstetric nurse prepared for her fourth child, her head was swimming with contingency plans.

The labor and delivery unit where she used to work in this rural northeastern Georgia community is no longer open. So, she asked former co-workers to be on standby around her anticipated due date. She and her midwife mapped out emergency rooms along the more-than-50-mile trek to the hospital in Greenville, South Carolina, where she planned to give birth. And, to prepare for a worst-case scenario, she curated items to keep in the car in case she went into labor en route.

“That’s a horrible place to put a pregnant woman in,” said Holden, who on Oct. 11 made the painful, hourlong trip to Greenville Memorial Hospital to deliver her son Tucker.

Holden lives roughly midway between Athens and Greenville, two of the nearest cities with labor and delivery units. Owing partly to Medicaid cuts from President Donald Trump’s One Big Beautiful Bill Act, St. Mary’s Sacred Heart Hospital in Lavonia stopped providing obstetric services nearly a year ago. Its closure is part of a trend touching rural communities nationwide. From South Dakota to Alabama and from Ohio to California, low Medicaid reimbursement and dwindling birth rates are pushing hospitals to shutter these services. Today, fewer than half of rural hospitals offer labor and delivery services.

A newborn baby in a sage green jumper lays on a hospital baby bed.
Kara Holden welcomed her fourth child, Tucker, on Oct. 11. Holden lives roughly midway between Athens, Georgia, and Greenville, South Carolina, two of the nearest cities with labor and delivery units. She traveled more than 50 miles to Greenville Memorial Hospital to give birth. (Kara Holden)

In Georgia, only 36% of rural hospitals have a labor and delivery unit, and four have closed since 2020, according to data from the Center for Healthcare Quality and Payment Reform.

To address the challenge the closings pose to patients seeking care, the state — which ranks among the worst in the nation for maternal health outcomes — has turned to federal money from the $50 billion Rural Health Transformation Program. This fund was created by congressional Republicans to offset concerns about the outsize fallout Trump’s signature legislation would have in rural communities.

More than $12 million — out of the nearly $219 million approved for Georgia in the program’s first year — will be allocated toward placing obstetric carts in 43 rural hospitals without labor and delivery units. The carts will be outfitted with supplies needed for a birth or obstetric emergency. For example, they’ll have neonatal resuscitation tools, thermal blankets, and essential medications such as oxytocin, which stimulates contractions, and magnesium sulfate, used to treat seizures in pregnant people with high blood pressure.

The delivery carts sound fine, in theory, said Justin Peterson, an OB-GYN who practices in southern Georgia and has seen the pressures rural health institutions face providing maternal care.

Like Holden, Peterson worries that the carts, while helpful, will put supplies in the hands of ER doctors lacking extensive obstetric experience. Instead, he wants the state to fill coverage gaps by investing more to prevent the closure of labor and delivery units in rural areas.

“You’re putting a band-aid on a hemorrhage,” he said.

The entry sign to St. Mary's Sacred Heart Hospital. A lush green lawn surrounds a large white sign.
St. Mary’s Sacred Heart Hospital in Lavonia, Georgia, stopped providing labor and delivery services in October 2025. Hospital leadership cited Medicaid cuts in the One Big Beautiful Bill Act as the final straw. (Briah Lumpkins/KFF Health News)

‘Can’t Practice Scared’

Brittany Mitchell was about seven months pregnant when Sacred Heart’s labor and delivery unit closed. She was reassigned to an OB-GYN in Athens, even though the nearly 50-mile drive from Lavonia was stressful and inconvenient.

That OB-GYN wanted to see Mitchell weekly after finding high levels of protein in her urine — a warning sign of preeclampsia, which can cause organ damage, seizures, and other complications. To make it to those prenatal appointments, she routinely gave up a day of work as a home health aide, a job she said already didn’t pay much.

But if Mitchell were to have another baby, she said, she’d still prefer to drive to Athens to see an OB-GYN than be treated by an ER doctor. When she had her first child nine years ago, the local OB-GYN had to act quickly when her daughter briefly lost oxygen.

“If they were in that situation,” she wondered of ER doctors, “would they know how to do all that?”

In written responses to KFF Health News, Lauren Williams, director of communications for the Georgia Department of Community Health, said that training ER medical staff is the main goal of the obstetric cart initiative. The rollout will include simulation drills, during which ER staff will practice high-risk procedures.

The Georgia Hospital Association will procure and distribute the carts. When exactly that will happen is unknown, but the grant funding must be spent by Sept. 30, 2027, said Anna Adams, the organization’s chief government relations officer.

The concept of obstetric carts is great, said Justin Law, an emergency doctor with SouthlandMD, a physician-owned and -operated healthcare management and staffing company. Most items planned for the carts are already available in ERs. But having them in one organized spot will be helpful, he said.

Still, while ER doctors are more frequently positioned at the front lines as labor and delivery closures persist, advocates argue that they shouldn’t be used as a stopgap in obstetric care.

In the decade he’s worked across rural Georgia, Law said, he’s never delivered a baby in the ER even though he’s trained in emergency obstetrics and has experience delivering babies as a paramedic. When a mother needs an emergency cesarean section or has another high-risk complication, she would likely be transferred to a hospital with labor and delivery capabilities, Law said.

Holden, the former obstetric nurse, said familiarity with obstetric delivery practices and procedures is essential because some complications can’t wait for a transfer. “You’re not going to save anybody’s life just because you got access to some equipment,” she said.

Adams understands the concerns and acknowledged that the ER is not the ideal location for delivering a baby. “But sometimes things happen that are outside of our control,” she said. “And when it does, we want to make sure those hospitals are prepared.”

Robin Clyatt, maternal health community outreach coordinator for Hope for Georgia Moms, said ER doctors have vast knowledge. But they might see someone with a major maternal health complication, such as a hemorrhage, only a few times a year, and therefore may lack the skills to act immediately, she said.

“You can’t practice scared when it comes to obstetrics,” Clyatt said. “And that’s important, because when you practice scared, you do stupid things.”

A pregnant woman leans over to adjust baby clothes on a hanger.
When Holden was pregnant with her other children, the OB-GYN was only a five-minute drive away. But after the local hospital cut its labor and delivery service, she took extra precautions to ensure she was logistically prepared for the arrival of “baby Tucker.” (Briah Lumpkins/KFF Health News)
Vintage trinkets and family heirlooms adorn the shelves of a nursery room.
Holden adorned a nursery with vintage trinkets and family heirlooms in anticipation of the arrival of Tucker. (Briah Lumpkins/KFF Health News)

Ways To Keep Access

The labor and delivery unit at the Coffee Regional Medical Center in Douglas serves six counties in southern Georgia. The number of live births there increased from 551 in 2020 to nearly 1,000 in 2024, which shows the impact when nearby facilities close, said Peterson, who practices at the Coffee Regional Hospital Women’s Center.

While he understands that hospitals must consider their bottom lines, business decisions in recent years have often taken precedence over patient care, he said.

“They just say, ‘Oh, you know, the numbers aren’t there. We’re closing,’” he said, adding that when rural labor and delivery units shutter, the chance they’ll reopen is small.

Mark Ralston, public relations manager for St. Mary’s Health Care System, which owns Sacred Heart, did not respond to multiple requests to further discuss the unit’s closure. But in its announcement, the system said the decision followed “an extensive 18-month discernment process that included intensive efforts to recruit additional physicians, create new partnerships, and pursue incremental funding sources.”

Nationwide, states are attempting to narrow gaps in maternal healthcare using federal funds. South Dakota will establish maternal health hubs to determine where resources are needed and help mothers navigate the health system. Ohio is establishing birth centers in rural communities.

In its proposal for federal rural transformation money, Georgia included incentives such as funding 75 new residency slots in various specialties and creating a grant program that would reimburse physicians up to $250,000 in relocation fees if they chose to practice in rural areas.

State legislators could incentivize doctors to stay in rural areas, offer higher reimbursement rates for hospitals, and provide loan forgiveness for physicians, Peterson said. Communities should also look to incorporate certified midwives and community health workers, Holden and Clyatt said, though state law makes it difficult for both groups to practice. Currently, certified nurse midwives are allowed to practice only in partnership with a physician, which maternal health advocates argue creates a steep financial burden.

Holden had the ability to send her vitals to her doctor and meet with them virtually for prenatal care.

As she adorned bookshelves in baby Tucker’s cozy, sage-green nursery with vintage trinkets and family heirlooms, she said she thought of less-resourced mothers in the area, who may be on Medicaid or not have the luxury to travel an hour for a prenatal appointment.

Holden worries that without prenatal care, conditions like preeclampsia could go undiagnosed more often. “They don’t make it, and their baby doesn’t make it, because they never got that diagnosed and managed,” she said.

People like to remain optimistic that everything will go as planned, but “there are so many things that can go wrong,” she said. “And they can go wrong really quick.”

The town entry sign for Lavonia, GA. It is a white wooden sign posted in lush green grass.
Lavonia is a small city near the Georgia-South Carolina border. The local St. Mary’s Sacred Heart Hospital stopped providing obstetric services in October 2025, citing Medicaid cuts. Two of the nearest cities with labor and delivery units are each about an hour away. (Briah Lumpkins/KFF Health News)
KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

This article first appeared on KFF Health News and is republished here under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.



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