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A Death Revives Concerns About Police Brutality Six Years After National Reckoning

SIKESTON, Mo. — Not everyone at Lloyd Gilmore’s funeral knew him well. One woman, who had ironed her clothes two days in advance, said she just wanted to be there for his family. School-age children, guided by their parents, approached his open casket in the sanctuary of Cornerstone Baptist Church and peeked inside. Other people looked away.

On that rainy Friday afternoon, hundreds of such mourners gathered to honor the man who went to the police department for help and didn’t come back.

“Stay woke. Stay guarded,” his daughter Lania Gilmore told the church full of mourners in this city of fewer than 16,000 with a long, troubled history of racial violence. “Be there for your family and love on one another.”

Her father, a 44-year-old Sikeston resident, died in police custody on June 10. During a quick, physical altercation involving seven Sikeston police officers, he was shocked with a Taser and put into hobble restraints, which allow officers to hogtie a person’s feet and hands, according to a police report obtained by KFF Health News through a public records request. Two autopsies were performed, but they — and Gilmore’s cause of death — had not been released as of mid-July while the result of a toxicology report remained pending.

Gilmore had approached an officer in the parking lot of the police station, according to the report, speaking words the officer said he could not understand. Lania Gilmore said that her dad, who had mental health issues, had asked her to call the police department and that he ran there seeking help.

“I kind of trusted the fact that he was OK because he was at the police station,” she told KFF Health News.

A man sits on a folder chair with his chin resting on his hand while he smiles up towards the camera.
Lloyd Gilmore, a 44-year-old Sikeston resident, had been looking for a safe space on the day he died, said his daughter Lania Gilmore. He told her to call the police department for help. Before he died, the police shocked him with a Taser and put him into hobble restraints. (Lania Gilmore)
Three adults, all in black, formal funeral attire, embrace each other.
Some of Lloyd Gilmore’s children embrace during his funeral on June 26 at Cornerstone Baptist Church in Sikeston. “Stay woke. Stay guarded,” his daughter Lania Gilmore (left) told the church full of mourners. “Be there for your family and love on one another.” (Cara Anthony/KFF Health News)
A memorial plaque of Lloyd Gilmore.
A plaque is displayed during Lloyd Gilmore’s funeral. Hundreds of mourners gathered in his honor. (Cara Anthony/KFF Health News)

At his funeral, hardly anyone spoke of the police — and, at the family’s request, the funeral home declined to ask police to provide traffic assistance as they usually would. A preacher did his best to comfort Gilmore’s family. “Sometimes we need not talk,” the Rev. Tommy Robinson Jr. told the crowd. “We just need to listen.”

But after years of expressing concerns of racial bias within the city’s police department, some Black Sikeston residents wonder if anyone is listening at all anymore. They want justice even as the national reckoning over police brutality has faded from public view.

“We need the police. We just need them to do their jobs correctly and leave Black people alone,” said Mark Wiggins, president of Sikeston’s NAACP branch. “They know it. We know it. The truth of the matter is there’s a lot of unwarranted cop killings of Black men in America.”

A man sits comfortably on a chair in front of his house.
Mark Wiggins, president of the local NAACP branch, sits outside his Sikeston, Missouri, home. Wiggins grew up in the city, which has a history of racial violence. After Lloyd Gilmore died in police custody on June 10, Wiggins protested alongside other residents and civil rights activists. (Cara Anthony/KFF Health News)

But despite worldwide protests in 2020 in the wake of high-profile police-involved killings of Black people, the public paid little attention when a prestigious group released a report last year about deaths in custody, said Roger Mitchell Jr., a forensic pathologist finishing his term as president of the National Medical Association, which represents African American physicians. The report from the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine urged Congress to require states to collect and report data on all in-custody deaths, a problem that Mitchell said disproportionately affects Black men.

“We are in an anti-diversity environment,” Mitchell said. “We’re in a war.”

Upon returning to the White House last year, President Donald Trump immediately signed an executive order that targeted diversity, equity, and inclusion programs. As a result of that and other measures, funding for racial equity has dwindled, researchers who once studied violence as a public health issue have redirected their work to less politically charged topics, and a growing fear of professional and political retaliation has made it increasingly difficult to sustain the momentum.

Kevin Myles, a civil rights leader based in Georgia who has trained tens of thousands of activists around the country, said he saw a shift in priorities around racial equity before Trump was reelected. Since then, it has escalated, he said, and he has lost at least half his funding for his work on equity, child welfare, and mass incarceration.

“I don’t think we really were prepared. It’s not that we didn’t take it seriously. I don’t think we were psychologically prepared for what this means,” Myles said. “Everything we have done before now was practice. The game has just started.”

Sikeston, located in the rural area of southeastern Missouri known as the Bootheel, has a history of racial violence, including the brutal lynching of a Black man named Cleo Wright in 1942. Another Black man, Undraus Nabors, was found dead in a grain silo months after heading out to pick up his white girlfriend in 1999. In April 2020, less than a month before George Floyd’s murder in Minneapolis, an unarmed Black man, Denzel Taylor, was shot at least 18 times by Sikeston police officers. The city was the subject of the 2024 “Silence in Sikeston” documentary film and podcast by KFF Health News, Retro Report, and WORLD.

Larry McClellon, a longtime Sikeston resident who founded a civil rights group called And Justice for All, has expressed concerns about the integrity of his city’s police department for decades. He’s also convinced that being vocal about racism in Sikeston comes with a price.

“It’s a dark side of Sikeston that a lot of people do not know and don’t prefer to know,” McClellon told KFF Health News in 2021 after police fatally shot Denzel Taylor. “But I’ve walked the streets.”

He believes someone burned down the headquarters of And Justice for All in 2019. A report from the city’s public safety department said the fire was “suspicious in nature.” The electricity in his building wasn’t on when flames erupted, he said, so he wasn’t satisfied when an investigator called it an electrical fire. He asked the department to take another look. No one was charged.

A photo showing a room damaged by fire.
The headquarters of And Justice for All, a civil rights advocacy group in Sikeston, was destroyed in a 2019 fire. A report from the city’s public safety department says the 2019 fire was “suspicious in nature.” Larry McClellon, a longtime Sikeston resident who founded the group, has expressed concerns about racial violence in the community. (Cara Anthony/KFF Health News)

James McMillen, the city’s police chief, told KFF Health News in 2021 that he had plans to improve policing before Taylor died. At the time, McMillen, who is white, said he and his department had “a poor relationship” with Black residents in the city. He started some community meetings after Taylor’s death, but he said in 2024 that people had stopped showing up.

“We have tried,” the chief said during a City Council meeting this month. “But, as my daddy would say, a relationship is a two-way street. And so I don’t know what else I can do.”

During the meeting, Lania Gilmore pleaded with the city to release more information about her father’s case. Other residents wanted to know why the officers involved were not placed on administrative leave immediately after Gilmore died.

“It depends on the circumstances. It does,” McMillen told them. “You’re assuming a certain set of details that you don’t know.”

Another resident asked the city about training for officers. McMillen said his officers are trained. Nationwide, many communities have created specialized non-law enforcement teams to assist people in crisis.

“Chief does not want anybody to be mistreated at all. Period,” Sikeston Mayor Greg Turnbow, who is white, said at the meeting. “And I guarantee you, I put my life in his hands. I’d do it today.”

McMillen declined to comment on KFF Health News’ questions about Gilmore’s case and the community’s concerns about the department. The Missouri State Highway Patrol investigated the death and planned to refer the results to the Cape Girardeau County prosecuting attorney, Sgt. Bradley Germann said.

A man and a woman stand side-by-side wearing matching custom T-shirts with a photo of Lloyd Gilmore.
Lloyd Gilmore’s friends Tawanna and Willie Wilson wore custom T-shirts to his funeral. (Cara Anthony/KFF Health News)
A man with his child stand beside an open casket.
Andre Young and his 5-year-old son view Gilmore’s body during the funeral. (Cara Anthony/KFF Health News)
A man leans over to hug a woman who is sitting in front of him. The woman gently touches a tissue to the man's face in an emotional moment.
Cynthia Gilmore sits in the front row of her son’s funeral at Cornerstone Baptist Church. (Cara Anthony/KFF Health News)

The day Gilmore died, his daughter said, he had been anxious and was looking for a “safe space.” So, she said, he had spent much of the day watching her braid hair at the salon where she works, then he went with her to her eyelash extension appointment. Lania Gilmore said he was still feeling undone, but she needed some space, so he asked her to call the police instead. She said she did, then she watched him run toward the police station.

The rest unfolded within 30 minutes, according to the police report and 911 call logs. The police report said that, amid an ensuing scuffle, Gilmore bit one officer’s hand — “but did not break the skin.”

After the police stunned and restrained Gilmore, a paramedic gave him a sedative, and the emergency medical services took him to a hospital, according to the police report. The report listed five victims — all police — and accused Gilmore of third-degree assault and resisting arrest.

Lania Gilmore said police told her that her father overdosed. But she said she doesn’t understand how that would have been possible, given the short time between when he left her and an ambulance was called.

The city’s police force knew Gilmore had mental health issues, his daughter said. Police officers in a neighboring community “excessively tased” and beat him in 2020, court records show. He received a $65,000 settlement five years later, and she said that experience left a mark.

After Gilmore died, Louis Houston, a longtime Sikeston resident, said he decided to move 30 minutes outside the city to a neighboring community, where he feels safer. He said hearing about other Black Sikeston residents being harassed by the police department had started to affect his mental health.

“I got on away from here,” said Houston, who returned to Sikeston for the funeral.

Louis Houston moved to Sikeston almost 20 years ago but recently decided to move away after Lloyd Gilmore died in police custody. He says the way the police department treats Black residents was affecting his mental health. (Cara Anthony/KFF Health News)

Houston’s already thinking about the conversations he will have with his young children about how to respond if they ever interact with a police officer. He has a script in mind.

“Be careful,” Houston plans to tell them. “They can help you, but they also can kill you.”


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KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

This article first appeared on KFF Health News and is republished here under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.



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Severely Ill Prisoners Granted Early Release Are Left Stuck Behind Bars

ʻAIEA, Hawai‘i — Christian Alameda used a cane to push himself up out of bed in his cell at the Halawa Correctional Facility in Honolulu. He has been recovering in the prison’s medical infirmary since a January stroke left the right side of his body mostly paralyzed.

In February, Hawai‘i’s parole board granted the now-52-year-old compassionate release, which allows prisoners to receive early probation to seek medical attention for severe conditions.

But without a long-term care facility willing to accept him, Alameda has not been able to leave.

As of June, at least three other prisoners granted release to tend to their medical needs were living indefinitely in the infirmary after long-term care facilities were unwilling to accept them, primarily because of their criminal backgrounds, the state parole authority said.

“This is a challenge across the country,” said Molly Crane, an attorney for FAMM, which advocates for fairness in prison policies.

Every state allows compassionate release for prisoners, though Hawaiʻi is the only one without a specific law, relying instead on an internal policy. The prisoners who typically qualify for compassionate release can’t care for themselves or have terminal illnesses and may need an assisted living center, a nursing home, or hospice.

But many long-term care facilities nationwide decline to take such prisoners, leaving them incarcerated for months — or years — after they were granted release.

In Rhode Island, a study found that rejections from nursing homes soared after they were told that a patient was coming from prison. In Colorado, prisoners with extensive medical needs stayed an average of 200 days after being granted parole, because of denials from long-term care centers. And in New York, prisoners granted parole sued the state when they couldn’t get placed in nursing homes.

President Donald Trump’s signature One Big Beautiful Bill Act further strains long-term care providers’ ability to take people from incarceration. Prisoners don’t qualify for Medicaid, so parolees often need to apply after they’re granted the release. The law, enacted last summer, reduces the window in which facilities can get reimbursed retroactively for new Medicaid patients from three months to as little as 30 days before they apply. That means facilities risk not getting paid for new Medicaid patients whose applications are not submitted within the reduced timeframe.

The Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services “encourages providers and beneficiaries to prioritize timely application submission to maximize coverage,” CMS spokesperson Timothy Foster said.

‘Risk Is Just Too High’

Most nursing homes nationwide already have a waiting list for new residents, according to a 2024 report by the American Health Care Association and the National Center for Assisted Living. Those waitlists are another hurdle to getting prisoners placed, said Bob Merce, a former attorney who advocates for prisoners’ compassionate release.

“We tell the nursing homes that most of the people who we are talking about cannot hurt somebody,” Merce said.

Some of the prisoners staying at the Halawa infirmary in June couldn’t walk or dress themselves. One man couldn’t recall what his illness was. Another with brain cancer couldn’t coherently respond to questions.

Sean Sanada, the Oʻahu Region CEO with the Hawaiʻi Health Systems Corp., oversees the region’s two state-funded long-term care facilities, Leahi Hospital and Maluhia. Sanada said that the health system has reviewed dozens of compassionate release referrals but has never accepted any of them.

Sanada said the facilities don’t discriminate based on where the resident comes from. His main concerns, he said, were his staff’s safety and the lack of resources to adequately care for the patient.

“The risk is just too high in most of those instances,” Sanada said.

Violent incidents in long-term care facilities have been well documented. A 2024 study observing 14 assisted living facilities found that in just one month, 15% of residents experienced resident-to-resident aggression.

When long-term care facilities refuse to accept prisoners who have been granted compassionate release, it leaves state taxpayers footing a larger bill. The annual cost to incarcerate an individual in Hawai‘i with complex needs is up to eight times the $112,505 average of housing one person in prison, according to FAMM. In comparison, the average Medicaid reimbursement for a long-term care patient at a Hawaiʻi Health Systems Corp. facility is about $135,000 a year.

A photo of a guard checkpoint at Halawa Correctional Facility.
Even after being granted compassionate release, prisoners who cannot find placements at long-term care facilities can wait for months or longer in the infirmary at the Halawa Correctional Facility in Honolulu. (Ashley Mizuo/KFF Health News)

Four states — Connecticut, Georgia, Massachusetts, and Vermont — contract with nursing facilities to take prisoners who are granted compassionate release, according to FAMM.

The iCare Health Network’s MissionCare Health, which operates nursing homes for people coming out of prison, secured contracts in three of those states. David Skoczulek, iCare’s vice president of business development and communication, estimated that its rates are $100 to $350 a day more per patient than the average nursing home rates in the states where they operate.

In Hawaiʻi, the correctional department determines recommendations to send to the parole board, which decides whether to grant the release. Prisoners who are granted the early probation can be released to family members who commit to caring for them or to a long-term care facility.

Corey Reincke, head of the Hawaiʻi Paroling Authority, said that in his 24-year career he couldn’t recall getting anyone placed into a long-term care facility without family intervening, for instance by contacting facilities themselves.

“Parole has to find a facility that can meet their medical needs and is also willing to take them,” Reincke said. “That’s where we’re hitting the roadblocks.”

For one parolee, Reincke called more than 100 care homes, he said, but they all declined to accept the patient, over safety concerns. According to a 2024 state report, while Hawaiʻi’s long-term care facilities use about 80% of their bed capacity, workforce strains make it difficult to maintain even those levels.

Hawaiʻi Prisoners’ Refuge: Family

Last year, 69-year-old Paul Kupihea died at a hospital five days after the state granted him compassionate release to his family. He died before he could get on a flight to his home island.

In July 2025, Lahela Kruse, the mother of Kupihea’s child, received a call from a Honolulu hospital informing her that his condition had become severe. By then he had been diagnosed with an incurable form of cancer and had been in and out of the hospital while still in custody.

Kruse and their daughter flew to Oʻahu to see him and were shocked when they saw how sick he was. Their daughter agreed to take him into her home in Hilo, on Hawaiʻi Island, despite not having a relationship with him for most of her life.

“She knew he was sick,” Kruse said. “I told her that, but she didn’t know the severity of it. I didn’t truly know.”

Her daughter’s willingness to take him prompted his compassionate release. But Kruse said the notification about Kupihea’s illness came too late.

FAMM’s Crane has been working on expanding compassionate release laws in states to allow for more prisoners to qualify and strengthen transparency in the process. Hawaiʻi lawmakers have tried for years to pass bills on compassionate release, but none has succeeded.

Crane said without a law that outlines a formal process and who qualifies, even family support isn’t enough. Prisoners can still face life-threatening delays, she said.

“The absence of a compassionate release statute means that people who need compassionate release languish and even die in prison,” Crane said.

A photo of a road in Honolulu. To the left of the road is a barbed-wire fence, fencing in the Halawa Correctional Facility.
Because Medicaid does not cover healthcare in prisons like the Halawa Correctional Facility, the high cost of care for sick prisoners is left to state taxpayers. (Ashley Mizuo/KFF Health News)

In Alameda’s cell, two beds stood about 3 feet apart, with a seatless metal toilet in the corner and a window looking out on a concrete wall. The smell of bleach permeated the room. Alameda said he hoped to see his daughter soon. She recently turned 5.

“I made some mistakes in my life,” said Alameda, who has been incarcerated since 2024 for drug possession, driving a stolen vehicle, and jumping bail. “I tried when my daughter was born, but I know I’ll change, because she needs me out of here.”

Merce, the former attorney, is still trying to find a place for Alameda, who committed no violent crimes. Merce became aware of prisoners’ struggles through his work as a trial lawyer. He said he has helped about 15 prisoners leave Hawaiʻi correctional facilities for medical treatment.

He said he’s seen cases in which people have waited years to get out.

“The ones that stick with me, though,” Merce said, “are the ones that I never found placements for.”

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

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